How has 20th Century Migration shaped 21st Century British Society?

Speaking of the domestic political pressures, David A. Coleman, discusses within U.K Statistics on Immigration the origins and limitations of net migration. (Coleman, 1987) Since the mid-twentieth century Coleman suggests that focus has been placed upon immigration from the New Commonwealth and the formation of ethnic minority communities. (Coleman, 1987, p.1138) Whilst looking at the adequacy of statistics with regard to migration patterns in the twentieth century, and the attempts made to control them, it has been suggested that ‘statistics have not helped the rational discussion of migration,’ and furthermore, that the current system in the twenty-first century is a development and extension of the system which was in place in the twentieth-century. (Coleman, 1987, p.1138) The effects of this continuing system upon migration to and from the UK in the twenty first century can be seen more clearly when looking at Figure 1. (www.statistics.gov.uk)
Looking at the International migration figures to and from the United Kingdom, between 1996 and 2005, it is evident that the outward flow of migration is considerably less than that of the in-migration statistics. In 2005, the Office of National Statistics (ONS) estimated that 185, 000 more people entered than left the U.K for a year or more. Consequentially it was calculated that on average, this would add around 500 extra people a day to the UK population. (Office of National Statistics, 2006)
Estimations within the ONS survey for 2005 also considered the 380, 000 people leaving the UK, and how they managed to ‘sustained the high “out” levels of migration.’ (Office of National Statistics, 2006) With 1000 British Citizens a day leaving the UK to live abroad, in comparison to the 1,500 a day arriving to live in the UK, the rate of immigration into Britain, can be seen to be marginally higher. The effects of this increase in population can be seen within the working environment and equally the cultural and social diversity which is ever more apparent in the twenty-first century. Immigration to Britain was seen to resemble that of other migration patterns which occurred in other European communities experiencing migration on a large scale. (Coleman, 1987, p.1139) Immigrants from places such as Hong Kong and Pakistan, which still retained their connections and immigration privileges with the New Commonwealth, were, in the majority of cases, non-white and belonged to non-Christian religions and spoke non-European Languages. They similarly differed from Native British residents in terms of family patterns, fertility and diet. (Coleman, 1987, p.1139) Britain’s demography has changed enormously. Many migrants who came to Britain after World War Two from places such as Asia, the Caribbean and east Africa have helped rebuild the country, remaining in the country to raise their own children and grandchildren. Their descendants being born and growing up in the UK, consider themselves to be British, English, Scottish or Welsh. This leaves a culturally diverse Britain, with an ethnically diverse background emerging into the twenty-first century, incorporeal to many sectors of British Society, the workplace being a strong example of this.
Immigrants form an important part of the labour force in many of the world’s industrialised countries, the UK being no exception. Developments in technology and transport have enabled a transnationalism for people to becomes socially and culturally embedded within two countries simultaneously, basing their lives in two or more countries at the same time. These changes mean that migration in the UK would no longer be a life changing experience, as it may have felt in the earlier part of the twentieth century, but that it becomes an improvement of international relations. As can be seen from the chart, the large proportion of migrants come from Africa and Asia. People from these widely varying culturally diverse backgrounds are sought after within the workplace, where their enthusiam and low salary expectations prive firm grounds for many British companies to employ them. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) there is a renewed interest in the recruitment of new immigrant workers in these countries, partly explained by their ageing populations. Many industrialised countries are seeking to attract highly-skilled foreign workers.
When looking at the labour force and the effect immigration has had in relation to the rest of the world, it can be seen how the UK in realtion to other countries, such as Australia, Canada, USA and New Zealand, has a relatively low percentage of foreign workers occupying jobs. With only 6% of the UK’s labour force comprising of foreign and foreign-born people, in comparison to 26% of the Australian labour force, the effect of migration upon British workforce in comparison is low. The British economy, therefore and the effects which can be seen upon society during the twenty-first century, according to this data, would not have as much of an impact, as with other areas of the world.
The Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) examine future and current migration trends in the UK within a booklet released in July 2006, titled ‘Globalisation, population mobility and impact of migration on population.’ The booklet draws on statistics and ONS data analysis. One aspect to the report considers the labour market within the UK and in particular the opening up of the labour market for new members of the EU states. The numbers of foreign nationals working in the UK rose to over a million for the first time in 1998, and exceeding this in 2005 where numbers reached 1.5 million, with 4.1 per cent of all in employment going to foreign nationals. (ESRC, 2006) More than one-fifth of all in-migrants in 2003 (114,000) came for work-related reasons and had a specific job to go to, and more than a quarter came to study here (135,000). This report highlights the areas in British society which would be most impacted upon when looking at migration and its effects within the UK. Employment and education are drawn upon within the report as key pull factors for people migrating to Britain. This could have both positive and negative effects for the country. Whilst foreign relations and connections would be greatly improved and strengthened, the British nationals who are currently unemployed would have to face even greater competition in securing employment. Even though in relation to other areas of the world, the effects of migration on society is felt on a lesser scale, the 4% of foreign nationals who occupy vacancies within Britain would, theoretically be displacing potential occupational areas and sectors for people who were born in the country, and would still therefore, affect social stability of a number of British individuals who were unemployed. With the numbers of people granted settlement rising steadily over the last ten years or so, the competition for opportunities in employment may lead to tensions between minority groups and local residents within certain areas. (ESRC, 2006; see also Salt, 2005)
In 2004 144,000 migrants came to the UK for work related reasons (Office of National Statistics, 2005, pp.9.) A survey conducted by the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD) in 2005 of over 1,200 UK organisations found that 27% of employers surveyed sought to recruit migrant workers, with 18% of employers look to recruit migrant workers because of their commitment and eagerness to work. Migrants are often found to be hired to provide a solution to recruitment difficulties. It has been found that 5 per cent of employers, however, hire migrant workers to cut wages and reduce costs. (CIPD, 2005. pp.3.) The effects of migrant employment within the surrounding community become a key concern, when looking at race relations and immigration in Britain. Notions of the ‘alien’ and the immigrant being in some way opposed to shared cultural thoughts and traditions then becomes an issue, as has been discussed by Castle and Davidson.
Cultural collective memory, shared collective thoughts and ‘the other’ are themes that become common components to the idea of national identity. (Castle and Davidson, 2000) Adapting these notions of migration to cultural ideas of ‘the alien’ and the ‘other’ the ‘commonality of seeking common procedures of government to guarantee [their] rights to a private space’ become centrally important to many people (Castle and Davidson, 2000, p.45) This ‘common civic commitment’ is suggested to be ‘something so valuable that it was deservedly defended against outside threats.’ (Castle and Davidson, 2000, p.45.) With regard to migration and immigration boundaries between “us” and the “other” in cultural terms becomes a key part of migration and the social and cultural expectations of the people both adopting a new way of life in a new country and the people accepting the immigrants into their country. If others shared or accepted our public values, they are not deemed as the other for ‘what were strictly citizenship matters.’ (Castle and Davidson, 2000, p.45) Notions of a shared public life and shared cultural ideas become important when re-examining the data from the 1996 to 2005 statistics on immigration to and from Britain. The additional people that Britain welcomes daily would mean the need for the adoption and encompassing of other cultures and traditions. The range of skills, aspirations and the inevitable language barriers between the immigrant and the native, all form part of the diverse changes, which one can expect when considering the way in which societal structures change when faced with migration. (Ideas found in Bloch, 2002) Participation in education and employment has proved to be of vital importance within data analysis of migration to and from the United Kingdom.
As can be seen from the statistics, the influx of immigrants to the United Kingdom since the beginning of the twentieth century has exceeded the outward migration by British citizens. The population of Britain and the society which is constantly being moulded and shaped by the addition of migrants from culturally diverse backgrounds, therefore, manifests and creates the Britain which one can see in the twenty-first century. It is ethnically and culturally diverse, and has provided opportunities for other nations to further and better their lifestyles. This, however, has been shown to come at the price for British citizens in the workplace. Jamaican migration to the UK rose to a high in 1961 before the commonwealth immigration Act was introduced in 1962. August 1965, the UK Government announced new measures to control the flow of immigration into Britain. Before these restrictions were in place, large numbers of semi-skilled and unskilled workers migrated to Britain. (International Migration Review, 1966.) This stands as an example of an increase in unskilled people to an already rising and expanding UK population. Data sources on migration will inevitably not be wholly an accurate source for analysis of inward and outward migration to and from Britain, however, will provide the basis for analysing British cultural changes and social concerns. Migration analysis in the twentieth century goes some way to aiding the understanding of changes which are seen to occur in the twenty-first century. (See J. J. Mangalam; Harry K. Schwarzweller, Autumn, 1968, for further ideas.) Having touched on the issue of employment, I feel there are many more areas for further research when considering migration which will aid further the understanding of the effects of migration on society within Britain.